Unions doing community organising

This was a session from a Unite the Union organiser, talking about a new community membership project they’ve launched.

In their own words, they want to invite “those not in employment into the union family” to provide “a way people can find and use their political voice”.

The logistics:

  • Costs 50p/week to join (diminished union subs)
  • Promoted within community e.g. noticeboards, leafletting at job centres
  • People “not in employment” welcome: students (over 16 year old), unemployed people, retired people, etc.

Good points of the scheme:

It’s led locally. Unite realised that their way of working (“service user involvement”) wasn’t enough, and are working to try and change that.

They have a lot of resources that local unresourced groups would appreciated e.g. legal training, language courses, national reach with its voice.

Criticisms of the scheme:

Unite think of it as a community scheme, but in reality it doesn’t look like one: it’s not bottom-up either in origin or in structure, and it costs money. It’s hard to imagine an organisation as big as Unite successfully adapting to all local diversities.

Workplace organising will always be front and centre for Unite, which may affect how they interact with local groups. Community members will still be lesser members than workplace members e.g. they’ll be able to join some union committees, but not the workplace-specific ones.

Unite can’t have the purest intentions here that other community groups would – for example, one of their measures of success is more people joining their workplace groups. Sketchy intentions! What if a group launched a campaign against a company Unite don’t want to openly attack? Would the groups split off and become autonomous?

As most the participants are unemployed people, it may have been more effective to launch an unemployment union (cf. one organiser’s description of the scheme as “aims to unionise the unwaged”). With the current structure, people would have to leave their community group if they got employment, which wouldn’t be a problem with a parallel union structure.

What is Plan C?

Plan A = austerity

  • Austerity is the same policies as neoliberalism (cf. War on Want talk)
  • Deregulation meant banks could give out more credit to the Global North. This covered for the fact that wages were staying still or falling… for at least a bit.
  • Long struggles in the Global North and Global South left few ‘safe bets’ for investment other than housing. When housing stopped giving good returns… crisis.

Plan B = “saving” the economy

  • Government intervention in markets to increase demand and create jobs.
  • All plans (from Green New Deal to VAT reduction) still centre on profit logic, competition for scarce jobs, etc.
  • The New Deal came about because of the labour organisation at the time, nor directly repeatable without a similar level of organisation (and also it was built around exploitation of Global South resources, women etc.)

Plan C = the way forward

  • People are dissatisfied with old political movements because they’re no longer structured to make political gains…
  • …so there is a need for any organisation that wants to be successful to devise proper strategies and plans to make austerity (a) costly (b) impossible
  • Proper planning really lacking on the radical left. Plans should be concrete, achievable, flexible plans.
  • In times of austerity, it’s even more important to address the societal rifts that capitalism creates (race, class, gender). It’s not as simple as just shouting slogans to “unite!”
  • There’s not a single strategy to move forward. Multiple strategies.
  • Create antagonistic alternatives, not just mini-utopias – go after the state and appropriate its infrastructure.
  • Should critique what counts as politics e.g. a creche for October 20th, can’t do politics on the street without considering child-care.
  • Does the group you’re in have a chance of winning? If not, what group would?
  • A single-issue campaign, no matter how intersectional its analysis, still isn’t enough on its own. Needs good linking up between a wide variety of groups.
  • Fears raised about how running public services may play into the Big Society. Solutions: (a) no-one cares about the Big Society, so don’t worry (b) as long as you keep apart from the state terms e.g. commodification and marketisation.

About Plan C

  • Membership is based in activity, no forms
  • Experimenting with non-standard organisational form
  • Not a vanguard!

P.I.I.G.S United Against Cuts

EU flag with pigs for starsPortugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece, Spain – the PIIGS, they call us. The financial markets coined it, mainstream media echo it to scorn all of us who supposedly deserve the punishment of austerity.

Yet, this veil of national stereotyping only conceals who they really mean to pay for the crisis of their making: workers, precarious youth, students, pensioners, the elderly, the disabled. In short, the victims of capital, those who don’t live and swear by it, those who the ruling elites despise in each and every country. Nationality only changes their tools and timing of oppression. It is high time that we, citizens of these countries living in the UK, take this insult into our own hands and turn it against its creators. Not as a statement of national pride, but as a realisation that oppression knows no national boundaries. We must stand together to have a chance of defeating it.

We live in the UK by choice or (increasingly) by necessity, driven out of our countries by the chaos wreaked by austerity. In the UK we find the same logic in a different terrain. Abolition of basic layoff protection over there, George Osborne’s sell out of employee rights for company shares over here; rushed privatization of public services over there, gradual dismantling of the NHS over here. Everywhere around, the same puppet governments in the hands of big business, the same troika-style austerity policies no one voted for. Madrid said it to the world: they do not represent us!

Dismal as present politics are, a crude anti-politics is not the solution. Not all politicians are necessarily corrupt, not all parties necessarily equal. Equal at this point is their impotence to stop this assault destroying our working conditions, our schools, our hospitals, our cities, our hopes, our future. We must deepen participation to overcome their representation of impotence. We must discover European-wide measures to counter the divide-and-conquer tactics pitting national oppressions against each other in a race to the bottom. Regulation of offshores, selective defaults on big creditors, higher taxation for the richest, investment on green sustainable technologies — the possibilities are immense.

Why should we demonstrate in the UK? Because the struggle is now everywhere. The mainstream politicians and interests ruling our countries for so long must be combated at home, but they are as much inept puppets as they are willing executioners of forces above them. Many of the decisions destroying our lives are now taken in Brussels, Wall Street, the City of London. We do not forget those who take them, we will chase them where they are, just as our friends at home won’t forget their willing executioners.

First it was the Greeks, but everything was alright, because we were not like the Greeks. Then came the Irish, but we were not like the Irish. Then Portugal, now Spain, soon Italy, next?… As each and every illusion collapses, we realize we really are all in this together. Victims of capital in the PIIGS-farm, victims in the UK, in the whole world. Our enemies put us together as an insult. Let us take it as a call. Let them reap the storms they have sown.

PIIGS United in London are joining the Coalition of Resistance on the TUC’s march on the 20th of October against cuts. PIIGS United in London will be saying ‘enough is enough’ to cuts, austerity and mastery of corporations and banks of the masses’s lives. (their Facebook event)

Pensioners and miners’ strikes (Wed 17 Oct)

Greater London Pensioners’ Association

As a group, they’ve been working for 38 years for better healthcare, better pensions, and a better more dignified life.

Key points:

  • Blair and Labour since 1997 are just “closet Tories” and have been as bad as Thatcher for pensioners.
  • Unions have always struggled for occupational pensions, but not on state pensions (to live with dignity), so pensioners had to pick up the campaign.
  • Fuel poverty affects single parents as well as pensioners. It’s not just ice on the windows – under 10 degrees means people are too cold to regulate their own body temperature.
  • It’s never been as bad as now for working people in living memory, especially given how many cuts are yet to come.
  • What we need to focus on: ignore the small differences that split the left, and untie on common issues e.g. fuel poverty. Need to vote the current government out, build grassroots movements to push society in more positive direction.
  • What can be done: direct action – stealing fuel, taking warm buildings, fuel bill strikes (like successful rent strikes in 70s as long as there’s sustained pressure)

Action on Saturday 27 October, meeting in Stratford shopping centre at noon by Primark and Disney. Young people appreciated!

Ken Loach

  • Until the miners’ strike, the worker’s movement in the UK was long undefeated. Thatcher ruined the communal solidarity by breaking unions: removing subsidies leading to mass unemployment, reducing union subs; provoked weaker unions into strikes that could be broken, and only going for the strong miners’ union when there were no other unions to support them.
  • The TUC did nothing to help the miners’, and they’re not doing enough to help workers now. It’s up to us, not them!
  • If you’re successful, people will try and coopt your organisation, so make sure its resistant to it – no (charismatic) leaders, accountable bottom-up leadership.
  • Q: What to do without strong unions?
    A: Partly models like Cuts Cafe, support the better and more grassroots unions like the RMT or PCS, more support in unions for younger people, community organising, militant “single-issue” groups e.g. DPAC.
  • Q: how can we move forward?
    A: Learn from past mistakes (e.g. vanguardist Leninism), try out new structures, and maintain radicalism in our collectiveness.
  • Q: is there chance the tradition of folk music will come back in the UK?
    A: it still exists now, but it demeaned by popular culture. It didn’t come out instantly during the miners’ struggle, but they were driven into it. Comes from struggle, comes from hope.

Housing action, community organising (Mon 15 Oct)


  • Who was there: Different housing movements came together to discuss their campaigns and how to draw them together. Including Squash (resisting the criminalisation of squatting), Digs (private renters in Hackney), Housing Solidarity (direct action against exploitative letting agents), Housing for the 99% (building a coordinated housing movement), Eviction Resistance, Private Tenants Action Group Haringey, Lewisham People Before Profit, Squatters Legal Network and more.
  • What’s happening: online map of long-term empty buildings and who owns them; landlord rating website for Hackney; inspections on letting agents in Haringey (about reference checks and how much each agency pays); housing session at the Up the Ante event in December.
  • Outcome of the meeting: plan to form a coalition to share updates and news, support on fellow projects, sharing resources. Meeting to discuss on Saturday 17 November at Pembroke House (Heygate Estate). Campaign to maybe focus on include filling empties, rent caps, security of tenure/tenancy for life, and building council housing.


When the cuts started to hit, loads of borough-based anti-cuts groups started up, made up of Labour, Green Party, trade unions, anarchists, Trotskyists, etc., but a lot disintegrated after a while when they didn’t have any sustained successes.

They largely failed because they were made up from a number of pre-established groups coming together for a time-bound campaign, and didn’t have a solid community grounding.

It’s part of a wider problem – most activists only engage in single-issue campaigns or broader coalitions. Little effort is put into the long hard work of community organising.

What community organising is:

  • Building a sense of community before embarking on any other campaign.
  • Using the strength of the community to work on community-related issues e.g. housing, cuts.
  • finding the key issues that motivate your neighbours regardless of political allegiance e.g. housing problems with landlord
  • “people against politics”
  • working with people that don’t share your politics, so to show your politics you have to put it into practice
  • going deep into a community
  • a tool to use, alongside workplace organising and single-issue campaigning (either like environmentalism or within a specific identity), to struggle for change.

What community organising isn’t:

  • Just a single-issue campaign
  • Just skimming off the local lefties for your organisation
  • Like workplace organising where there’s a background (uniting to struggle and protect rights) for people to understand. You need to build the background up yourself.
  • Just resistance – it’s building the future we want to live in
  • Necessarily good e.g. community can have negative connotations (small suffocating village communities, the idea of fixed communities exclusive to travellers), and organisations can be bad (racist! fascist!)
  • better or worse than workplace organising (it’s just more neglected in the UK)
  • the same as American community organising (cf. Saul Alinsky) though there are obviously elements to learn from over the pond

Problems with community organising:

  • Not feeling a part of the community. Solution: get fuckin’ involved (local governor for a school, trustee for local charity, volunteering, campaign groups)
  • Gentrification forcing up house prices and meaning people can’t afford to stay put
  • Getting disheartened with endless meetings about potholes, dog-shit and CCTV
  • Dealing with racism/sexism etc. (given moralism/hyper awareness of such issues amongst activist cliques). Solution: deal with as one person to another, not as an enlightened moral agent bringing down the word of Righteousness. Make sure you’re always aware of what your identity (e.g. as an open anarchist) makes people assume about you, and how that’ll colour what you say.
  • If there’s no pre-established solidarity group, then either
    (a) join other local groups
    (b) find 5-10 other people and start a group (Radical London in Londonn a good network to be in)

There’ll be a session with more practical tips on how at the anarchist bookfair

Up close and personal: sharing your stories of the cuts

cross-posted from the Peoples Republic of Southwark

We have created a space to tell your story about how the cuts and the changes to the benefits system are affecting you, as they are affecting so many of us living and/or working in Southwark.

What is happening to so many of us right now may not necessarily be a massive surprise, not in its historic context, but still is a most invasive attack on who, how and why we are, whether we are able bodied or disabled, single or with children, working or not.

Recording peoples stories, in their own words, is incredibly important, because personal stories are what unites us, what we can all relate to. And we learn from each other, and we learn that we are not alone in this nightmare.

How has your life changed since the cuts kicked in? Are you being ‘fitted’ for work? Is your job under threat? What does it feel like when you sit at your desk at work, or when you get home? What about the people living next door?

You can send us your thoughts and share your experiences by either submitting it through ‘Submit an Article‘ or by emailing it to us to info@peoplesrepublicofsouthwark.co.uk

Your story will be anonymous unless you specifically give us a permission to publish your name.

Global resistance to austerity

No to privatisation signSummary of a talk War on Want gave in the space on Sat 13 October. Thanks to Murray and Rafeef!

Basic summary: the cuts are a small part of a larger problem, “neoliberalism”; it’s been around for decades and there are successful examples of resistance that we can learn from.

This article’s split into background theory, examples of resistance from the global south, and ways for us in the UK to move forward.

Part 1: the theory

It’s not just about the cuts: neoliberalism

The cuts aren’t the only problem at the moment. A lot of other changes are happening that can’t be explained just with ‘the credit crunch has caused the cuts’. The recent shares for rights crap is plain privatisation, nothing to do with debt or the deficit. The root problem, of which the cuts are a part, is neoliberalism.

Neoliberalism’s been around since the 50s, when economist Milton Friedman made up that the free market was the best way to run the economy. What neoliberalism is:

  • Cut back the state.
  • Selling off state-run enterprises to private companies.
  • Remove laws that hold back companies (on how much they can lend and who they can trade with), to make market ‘freer’.

Where ‘neoliberalism’ came from

The idea had just been made up but Friedman and his followers hadn’t actually tested it anywhere. In Chile, loads of enterprises were state-run (e.g. heavy industry like mining), and when the Marxist Salvador Allende was elected he tried to push more, so the CIA overthrew him, replaced him with (now famous dictator) Pinochet and brought in people that loved neoliberalism to test their ideas out.

The outcome: unemployment rose from 3% to 20%, growth in Chile plummeted… the economy was destroyed, but (how coincidental!) the financial companies like banks and big lenders were massively strengthened.

Despite the epic failure of the policies – on a human level and on a big-scale economic level – the same ones were pushed by the international financial organisations (the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank) all throughout the 80s. They used the debt countries in the Global South had to strong-arm them into implementing these disastrous policies, calling it “structural adjustment”.

Why there are cuts

There will always be crises because capitalism is inherently unstable. Basically (and over-simply!) either wages rise meaning companies’ profits fall, so growth falls i.e. recession OR wages fall, so people buy less stuff, so growth falls, and so recession.

This specific crisis wasn’t accidental. The people in charge know exactly what they’re doing!

  1. Financial sector is huge after Thatcher took away the regulations on it in the 80s – used to be 20% of the UK’s GDP in the 70s before deregulation, and in 2006 it was 5x the GDP.
  2. To keep making money, companies need to take bigger and bigger risks, hence things like “derivatives speculation” and the laws on lending being relaxed (so people would spend more so companies would make more) which helped cause the recent crisis.
  3. It was no accident, people specifically wanted the financial crisis to happen e.g. US traders sold UK banks bad debt then bet on the stock market that UK banks would crash to make more money.


All the talk about globalisation that was happening in the 90s and early 2000s has gone down the pan, with every Global North country now mainly focusing on their own banking sector. Some effects of globalisation:

  • Companies push for wages to be cut in the Global South, then they move production and jobs there because it costs less (and there’s less protection of workers’ rights)
  • Countries in the Global South have to become “export zones” to survive, centring their economies around exporting people as workers to the Global North (because that’s the only place with work) as well as selling natural resources to big global companies (who force the prices to stay low, pushing them into a dependence on those big companies).
  • When the financial crisis hit, neoliberal policies started being pushed in the Global North. As profits fell for the big global companies who were employing substantial portions of people in the Global South, jobs were cut and economies crumbled.

Part 2: the examples

Example 1: Cochabamba and water privatisation

Water was privatised, and people that couldn’t afford to pay for it had their water cut off.

How people resisted:

  • Unions worked to get non-unionised and precarious workers involved.
  • Used creative actions to engage people on the street.
  • Created a coalition of workers and non-workers to resist that respected a wide range of tactics – from unions negotiating with the government, to local general assemblies, to precarious workers putting up road blocks to grind the city to a halt.
  • Worked to “unprivatise society” and restore solidarity between

How it succeeded:

  • Creative actions got tens of thousands of people into street demonstrations.
  • Police crack-down led to locals rising up in support of the protests.
  • Protests got the privatisation reversed. Winner. Momentum still around a few years later when the IMF tried to impose a new tax.

Example 2: Egypt and Tahrir

A lot of people in the Global North misunderstand the long occupation of Tahrir Square, thinking it started with an impromptu demonstration that grew via social media… that’s not true.

How people resisted:

  • Big strike in the industrial export zone Mahalla (المحلة)
  • Created a union independent from the government unions to fight for workers’ rights

How it succeeded:

  • Years of tireless organising from unions (workers as well as non-workers and students)
  • On January 25, the National Police Day in Egypt, union organised workers and non-workers organised an anti-brutality demo, which kicked off Tahrir Square
  • People were well organised before Tahrir Square: youth from the independent union were a main force, as well as the Muslim Brotherhood being hyper-organised

Part 3: moving forward

What the UK can learn from the Global South, and what can be done better:

  • Unions outreaching to non-unionised workers and non-workers could definitely work in the UK, unity in strength.
  • Don’t fetishise tactics – just because occupying a space worked in Egypt doesn’t mean it’ll work in the UK!
  • We have a tendency here to aim at our goal without the necessary building first. Workplace and community organising is tireless work, but it’s incredibly important to build long-lasting movements.
  • Another important reason to put the effort into building long-term movements is to restore solidarity by working against the lack of faith and trust the system we live under creates [see Values and Frames].
  • As a lot of activists in the UK are middle class, a lot of anti-cuts activists aren’t affected by the cuts. This needs to be realised and more work done to focus on which areas of the cuts are affecting people the most. Secondary to that, there needs to be a better distinction between work with other activists, and working with people that aren’t already allies [see community organising]
  • We’re in a much better place than we were five or six years ago. People realise that alternatives to what we have now exist – big ideological victory – so we need to move our discourse onto pushing for specific steps away from capitalism (e.g. transitional demands).
  • We need to make sure we have a clear way of getting from where we are to where we’re going, with short-term (winnable?) goals along the way. Classic planning, but often overlooked.

We’re living in a time of change and hope, so let’s get on it.

PS. Here’s Murray Worthy from War on Want, who organised the event, telling us what he thinks of Cuts Café.

war on want from Cuts Cafe TV on Vimeo.

A future that doesn’t work

A future that works?

A future that works?A response to the Trade Union Council’s call for ‘A Future that Works’, from someone involved with the Cuts Cafe

A future that doesn’t work. Because there is a general consensus that work is shit. That it is inherently exploitative and degrading and alienating, that it sets up a hierarchy between those who work and those who cannot or do not want to and devalues these people and their activities.

Marching for work, for daily drudgery, for the quantification and domination of our activities, seems counterintuitive. We can do better than this. We are more than workers – we are lovers and learners and thinkers and carers and many other identities that cannot be reduced to one fixed daily activity

The TUC’s call for ‘a future that works’ is a vision that is lodged in the past. The logo accompanying the call out is of three men propping up an arrow (perhaps I’m being unfair, maybe one of them is a woman) harking back to some glorious industrial past of the male worker – hoping that if we can just produce enough Brompton bicycles everything will be OK.

But work will not solve the crisis that is capitalism, it is intrinsic to capitalism – more work is more exploitation under the rule of capital.

A future, better still, a present, that doesn’t work would allow us to live our lives doing things, individually and collectively, that we find meaningful and take pleasure from. Constricted though we find ourselves today, we manage to do these things some of the time, why not all of the time?

Keep Radical and Carry On: the Cuts Cafe

Red Pepper logoThis article was first written for Red Pepper who have kindly allowed us to repost it!

Cuts Cafe opens its doors on October 5th, Ewa Jasiewicz explains what will be happening in the cafe.

Inspired by occupied spaces such as the Leeds Cuts Cafe, Manchester’s OK Cafe and the recent Palestine Place in London. Cuts Cafe’s call out states: The government tells us that cuts to public services and social security are needed to save an economy in crisis, but in reality the crisis is capitalism. For the two weeks leading up to the Trade Union Congress demonstration on October 20th, Cuts Cafe will provide a radical space in Central London to build resistance to these devastating cuts, and to explore the real alternatives to austerity.

Already youth groups, disabled activists, anti-cuts, union and community organisers have registered workshops. Activists from Unite the Union, London Coalition Against Poverty, Sparks Rank and File, Disabled People Against the Cuts, The Blacklist Support Group, Boycott Workfare, Fuel Poverty Action, UKUncut, Move Your Money, Black Activists Rising Against the Cuts (BARAC), Compass, Stop the G8, Red Pepper and Radical London are taking part. More are getting in touch every day. The family of Sean Rigg, killed by police in 2008 will accompany Ken Fero’s film ‘Who Polices the Police?’ and legendary class-struggle film-maker Ken Loach will present his Miners Strike classic ‘Which Side Are You On?’

So why is this happening?

More space, more time, more interaction, organisation and joint struggle are needed between all groups and organisations, big and small, in resisting the co-ordinated corporate and government rescue of free-market capitalism using our labour and capital and attempting to crush our commons.

Cuts Cafe is about furthering the kind of resistance that allows us to reclaim our labour, our time, our housing, our bodies and our communities from relentless commodification and cuts. Its about finding and co-creating alternatives, strengthening solidarity and confronting the causes of austerity.

Spending time together, drinking tea together, decorating, cleaning, talking and taking direct action builds trust and organisation which we need now more than ever. Cuts Cafe is a safe space open to anyone. For those who’d like to dismiss this as ‘another leftie talking shop’ – think again, the organisers are diverse and participating groups broad. And also, we need talking. And planning and sharing to sustain our resistance. Popping up in an unexpected central London space also means many non-aligned passersby will be welcomed inside.

We’d like to see Cuts Cafes emerge all over the country, particularly when our right to squat empty property has been banned for the first time in history, and cuts to libraries and other community resources are constricting our space to meet and organise. Never underestimate the potency of a few cups of tea, new knowledge and strangers becoming friends.

Cuts Cafe will be having a public meeting with DPAC, UKUncut and the Greater London Pensioners Association on October 1st at Unite the Union’s HQ, 128 Theobalds Road, London.

Framing it right: how language limits the left

Word cloud from an article on the economy

Ever wondered why, given the horrendous repeated failures of right-wing policies, right-wing arguments about the economy are still so persuasive?

According to linguist Anat Shenker-Osorio, a lot of it comes down to how we talk about the economy, and what effect the language we use has on how people see change happening.

Word cloud from an article on the economy

What the problem is

Progressives and radicals tend to be good at “critiquing the free market” and “articulating [our] desired goals”. Where we fall down is explaining “how the economy works”.

Stories about how complex systems (like economies) work often use “cognitive metaphors”, easy to understand stories to better undertand abstract ideas i.e. fear as: fluid in a container, “filled with fear”; an enemy or opponent, “fear crept up,” “fear overwhelmed”;  an illness, “sick with fright”; a supernatural being, “haunted by fear”.

The danger comes from how our minds work – unconscious influences are often more powerful than conscious ones, because we never stop to question them.

Conservatives basically always use the same metaphor styles.

The conservative model

Metaphors used personification e.g. health (“ailing”, “recovering”), water (“flowing”), weather (“storms”, “cold business climate”), emotional being (“angry”)
What that implies about the economy organic
What impression this gives the economy is natural, autonomous and self-regulating. Human interference is irrelevant at best. People not being referenced encourages passivity and acceptance of whatever ills there may be.
What that implies the economy is for a moral enforcer, rewarding hard work and punishing laziness.

Basically: simple and straightforward, this metaphor has definite dominance (even amongst the left) in the UK.

Car crashWhat can be done

We don’t use a consistent model, which – according to Shenker-Osorio – leads to cognitive dissonance and a subconscious mistrust when we explain our ideas.

This could be solved by trying  to use a potentially powerful model a lot more often.

The proposed progressive model

Metaphors used machine (“kick-start”, “driving the engine of”, “on the right track”, “stuck in a rut”, “stock market crash”).
What that implies about the economy human-made
What impression this gives need for action by ‘drivers’. Leads to thoughts about quality, direction, speed of movement
What that implies the economy is for the economy should facilitate our journeys, rather than impose its desires on us

Conservatives at the moment have the upper hand in terms of discourse, but given the power of the “life is a journey” metaphor, we should be able to turn that around.

It’s also worth nothing that it’s not just for the economy that this is true: think of “gaps” to describe inequality (explains the what but not the why) versus “barriers” (explains the what and the why i.e. someone put them there).


The economy is a ‘machine’, not a ‘body’ Al Jazeera

Common Cause: The Case for Working with Values and Frames, a great handbook on – n an over-simplified nutshell – why we should pay attention to how we word what we’re doing.


This article was written by a member of the Cuts Cafe group.